Four key takeaways from the Drumcree dispute so far

Image of two police rovers, white with the word police written in red. At the bottom of the van is a red and yellow striped pattern. Metal guards cover the sirens of the vehicles. Images of police wearing black caps are at the forefront of the image. Directly behind them is a man with a black hat, orange sash and dark suit on the phone with someone. Other people in similar outfits are stood behind him.

For a number of years in the 1990s, the Drumcree parade dispute was one of the biggest stories in Northern Ireland - and then, for 28 years, it fell out of the public eye.

However, that changed when the Parades Commission ruled that the march on Sunday 27 September could go ahead with restrictions in place.

That parade did not happen and, after a series of legal challenges and talks between residents and Orangemen, the secretary of state banned the procession.

On Saturday, a High Court judge said a legal appeal by Orangemen following the secretary of state's decision was not an emergency case and adjourned the hearing until Monday.

Where does this leave the secretary of state?

Sir Chris is talking into a mic on a stage. He's wearing a navy suit with a white shirt and stripy tie. The background is dark.

As steep learning curves go, this one was off the scale.

Less than three months into the job, Sir Chris Bryant has had to make what will be the biggest decision of his time in Northern Ireland.

He will be forever remembered as the first secretary of state to ban what was a legal Orange parade.

But he says he was left with no option in the interest of peace.

The secretary of state had the power to act alone, but it was politically easier to have the cover of a police request.

Though making such a significant announcement late on Friday night was not ideal.

He clearly wants to move on with Westminster returning from recess on Monday and legacy legislation to be fast tracked through the Commons.

But the legacy of his Drumcree decision will follow him for some time and will likely scupper any hope he had of fostering good relations with unionists.

Power sharing is secure - for now

A white washed grand Stormont with 365 windows and six pillars at the grand entrance. Behind the building is a blue sky and in front is steps and green grass.

It could have been a moment of great jeopardy for power-sharing at Stormont.

The moment when the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) bowed to pressure and effectively collapsed the Executive.

But the party moved quickly to remove that threat within hours of the Orange parade being banned from the Garvaghy Road.

Party leader Gavin Robinson insisted they "will not sacrifice the stability of Northern Ireland and plunge it into further crisis".

To do so, he said, would allow "Sinn Féin an escape route from the spotlight and accountability".

For the DUP, pulling down the institutions was high risk with an election on the horizon.

History shows parties who walk away from Stormont pay a heavy price at the polls.

Especially before a budget is agreed to approve public sector pay rises thus avoiding strikes.

The DUP has opted instead to keep the focus on potential lawbreaking by Sinn Féin ministers.

It allows for more tough talking in the chamber even though the punishment if convicted will result in fines.

Though some in the DUP question if the institutions can be "sustainable" if First Minister Michelle O'Neill and her executive colleagues are found to have broken the law.

That will be a calculation for another time and much will depend on the proximity of polling day.

But the Drumcree dispute has delivered for Sinn Féin.

It provided the platform to supercharge its election campaign and helped deflect from questions around delivery at Stormont.

Though the court ruling clearing the way for the A5 has eased some pressure on the party.

But it delivered on its promise to residents to ensure no parade down the Garvaghy Road.

In truth any prosecutions they may face for standing with residents will be viewed by many within the party as a badge of honour.

Where does this leave policing?

Image of a police land rover parked at the side of the road. It is white with blue and yellow colours (blue and yellow squares checkered) on the lower half of the vehicle. The vehicle also has metal guards at its front and over its sirens. Behind to its right you can see a church. There is also a field behind the land rover.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) had five million reasons to bring the Drumcree dispute to an end.

That's how much the policing operation has cost for the past fortnight at a time when the police budget is already stretched.

A bill which would have been much higher had officers faced any violent disorder.

But the true cost for the PSNI may come in its relationship with the Orange Order and wider unionist community.

Allegations of two-tier policing have resurfaced but so far there have been no calls from unionist leaders for the chief constable to quit which is telling.

Forcing the parade through was never an option for the police.

Public safety risks aside, the potential to damage relations with nationalists was too great.

With the latest PSNI recruitment campaign being launched on Monday, the service couldn't afford to further alienate potential Catholic recruits.

What about the Parades Commission?

A banner reading "Garvaghy Road Says No" displayed on Garvaghy Road, following a weekend of tension at Drumcree in Portadown, when the planned Orange Order parade was stopped by police, due to a mass protest on part of the proposed route - the predominantly nationalist Garvaghy Road. Picture date:

It was a body set up to resolve parading disputes, not to restart them.

That has been the charge directed at the commission by many over the past fortnight.

Its determination, allowing an orange parade down the Garvaghy Road for the first time in 28 years, caught everybody by surprise, including those in the loyal order.

It also triggered a spat with the PSNI who tried to distance itself from the determination.

The commissioners are now the first to have their decision reversed by a secretary of state, although they will say conditions and the police advice had changed.

But there is no escaping the reality that public confidence in the body has been damaged.

Restoring that trust won't be easy, nor will finding replacements for the current commissioners when their term comes to an end.

Original source Four key takeaways from the Drumcree dispute so far

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